Dictionary of Contemporary Slang.pdf

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DICTIONARY OF
CONTEMPORARY
SLANG
THIRD EDITION
TONY THORNE
A & C Black
London
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www.acblack.com
First published in Great Britain 1990
Paperback published 1991
Second edition published 1997
Paperback published 1999
Third edition published 2005
This paperback edition published 2007
A & C Black Publishers Ltd
38 Soho Square, London W1D 3HB
© Tony Thorne 1990, 1997, 2005, 2007
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without the
permission of the publishers .
A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN-10 0 7136 7529 2
ISBN-13 978 0 7136 7592 0
eISBN-13: 978-1-4081-0220-6
Text production and proofreading
Heather Bateman, Emma Harris, Katy McAdam, Rebecca McKee
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Text typeset by A & C Black Publishers
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INTRODUCTION: SLANG IN THE 21ST CENTURY
Slang and Society
Slang derives much of its power from the fact that it is clandestine,
forbidden or generally disapproved of. So what happens once it is
accepted, even in some cases embraced and promoted by
‘mainstream’ society? Not long ago the Oxford English Dictionary
characterised slang as ‘low and disreputable’; in the late 1970s the
pioneering sociolinguist Michael Halliday used the phrase
‘anti-language’ in his study of the speech of criminals and
marginals. For him, theirs was an interestingly ‘pathological’ form
of language. The first description now sounds quaintly outmoded,
while the second could be applied to street gangs – today’s posses ,
massives or sets – and their secret codes. Both, however, involve
value judgements which are essentially social and not linguistic.
Attitudes to the use of language have changed profoundly over the
last three decades, and the perceived boundaries between
‘standard’ and ‘unorthodox’ are becoming increasingly ‘fuzzy’.
Today, tabloid newspapers in the UK such as the Sun , the Star
and the Sport regularly use slang in headlines and articles, while
the quality press use slang sparingly – usually for special effect –
but the assumption remains that readers have a working knowledge
of common slang terms.
There has been surprisingly little criticism of the use of slang (as
opposed to the ‘swear-words’ and supposed grammatical errors
which constantly irritate British readers and listeners). In the last
five years I have only come across one instance, reported in local
and national newspapers, of a south London secondary school head
publicly warning pupils of the dangers of using slang in their
conversation. The school in question has pupils from many ethnic
and linguistic groups – which may give a clue as to why young
people might opt for slang as a medium of communication and not
just an embellishment. Perhaps they have come to see slang as
their own common language, in which they are fluent, and which
may therefore take precedence over the other varieties in their
repertoires (Hindi, Gujarati, Punjabi, Creole, ‘Cockney’, ‘textbook
English’ etc.). The use of slang forms part of what linguists call
code-switching or style-shifting – the mixing of and moving between
different languages, dialects or codes. This might be done for ease
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Introduction
of communication, for clarification, to show solidarity or – a reason
sometimes overlooked by analysts – just for fun.
In the US, on the other hand, slang and so-called ‘vernacular’
use is still highly controversial. This stems in part from the contest
between conservatism and ‘multiculturalism’ or ‘liberalism’, which
in the late 1990s focused on the stalled attempt to establish
so-called ‘ebonics’, or black spoken English, as a linguistic variety
with official status. Recently, some North American academic
linguists and their students have joined with parents, teachers and
adult professionals to lament the corrupting and destabilising effect
of slang on young peoples’ ability to manage in formal settings such
as examinations or job interviews. Their fears can’t simply be
dismissed, but they seem to be based on a very rigid notion of
language’s potential. The key to effective communication is what
language teachers term ‘appropriacy’; knowing what kind of English
to use in a particular situation, rather than clinging to rigid ideas of
what is universally right and proper.
In my experience, most slang users are not inarticulate dupes
but quite the opposite: they are very adept at playing with
appropriacy, skilfully manipulating ironically formal, mock-
technical and standard styles of speech as well as slang. If
prompted they can often provide insights into their own language
quite as impressive as those hazarded by professional linguists or
sociologists. For this reason, for the first time in the Dictionary of
Contemporary Slang I have sometimes included, in their own words,
users’ definitions of terms and comments on their usage as well as
the direct quotations – ‘citations’ – contributed by them and
featured in previous editions.
Slang versus ‘Proper English’
Slang is language deliberately selected for its striking informality
and is consciously used in preference to ‘proper’ speech (or, more
rarely, writing). It usually originates in small social groups. For
these groups, it is a private code that embodies their particular
values and behaviour and reinforces their exclusivity. Slang
expressions may escape the originating group and become more
widely used, and although slang draws much of its effect from its
novelty, some terms ( booze, punk, cool ) may stay in the language
for many years.
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